The Politics Of State Police (1)

Magnus Onyibe

MaTaZ ArIsInG
Dallas, Texas

 President Bola Tinubu has reignited a lightning rod of controversy by re­opening the debate on state police— one of the most critical policy issues in Nigeria’s public discourse. Intriguingly, de­spite being on the front burner since the return of democracy in 1999, the idea of state police has never been adopted or implemented.

A clear indication of how persistent this demand has been lies in the fact that former military head of state, General Olusegun Obasanjo, who became Nigeria’s civilian pres­ident in 1999, was the first to moot the idea of state police. Yet, the initiative never material­ized. Will President Tinubu’s attempt also suf­fer the same fate, fizzling out like Obasanjo’s aborted effort?

Tinubu, however, is known for his relent­lessness in pursuing reforms. Having success­fully ended both petrol and naira subsidies de­spite fierce opposition, he may well succeed with his push to decentralize Nigeria’s policing system. The frequency with which state police have been debated by lawmakers, policymak­ers, and citizens is rivaled only by the calls for constitutional amendment.

For context, the removal of petrol and naira subsidies has been a contentious issue since the mid-1980s. Under General Ibrahim Babangida, the IMF recommended the Struc­tural Adjustment Programme (SAP), which included subsidy removal. But following na­tionwide protests, Babangida backed down and subsidies persisted. Subsequent Presi­dents—Obasanjo, Yar’Adua, Jonathan, and Buhari—all attempted reforms but failed. Tinubu, however, ended the subsidy regime on May 29, 2023, declaring on inauguration day: “Subsidy is gone.”

Despite resistance from many Nigerians, Tinubu held his ground. That decision has since spurred massive private sector invest­ment in the oil and gas sector, evident in the 650,000 barrels-per-day Dangote refinery and several modular refineries now operating. It also ended the era of agonizing fuel queues.

More importantly, subsidy removal has tri­pled federal allocations to state governments, empowering them to pursue grassroots devel­opment. States like Delta and Edo have already embarked on large-scale infrastructure proj­ects, including major roads and flyovers.

Like subsidies, state police have been de­bated endlessly—arguably more than the Petroleum Industry Bill, which took nearly two decades to pass into law as the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA). Given Tinubu’s record of breaking long-standing policy jinxes, Nigeria may indeed be on the cusp of adopting state policing under his Renewed Hope Agenda.

This is why it was both fascinating and surprising when, just before departing for his annual leave in Europe last Friday, Tinu­bu metaphorically dropped a “bombshell.” He challenged state governors directly by placing the debate on their laps: should Nigeria adopt a state policing system or not?

Tinubu made this remark while address­ing North-East governors, led by Borno State Governor Babagana Zulum, during their visit to Aso Rock.

It should be recalled that while all 36 gover­nors initially endorsed the idea of state police, only 20 eventually submitted reports outlin­ing concrete steps toward establishing such a structure. Nonetheless, momentum appears to be building: a bill to establish a decentralized policing framework has already passed its first reading in the National Assembly.

Perhaps, just as the three tax reform laws that initially got stuck in the legislative pipe­line due to resistance from lawmakers were later unstuck through the careful management of sensitive regional, ethnocultural, and reli­gious concerns—resolved by setting up a joint committee between the legislative and execu­tive branches—Nigeria’s century-old tax laws impeding effective and efficient taxation have now been replaced with dynamic ones in tune with 21st-century realities.

Based on that experience, one can be opti­mistic that the decentralization of the police system may become another box ticked on the checklist of progress and development that Tinubu’s administration is increasingly be­coming known for.

The only snag in Tinubu’s governance— which he has lately praised himself for, citing that Nigeria is no longer borrowing locally and that the nation’s revenue target was met in August (four months ahead of December), to the chagrin of his opponents—is that due to the long gestation period associated with reforms of this magnitude, the impact on ordinary citizens is yet to be felt positively in their daily lives. Yet, drawing from global experience, reforms of this scale take time to yield dividends. By keeping his foot firmly on the reform pedal, the Tinubu administration is likely to achieve the desired transformation, already manifesting slowly but surely.

Admittedly, such optimism may sound like gibberish to skeptics who demand immediate results. Yet, undeniably, inflation is beginning to dip while Nigeria’s economic fundamen­tals—such as foreign exchange reserves at the CBN—have risen significantly, now standing at about $41 billion under Tinubu’s watch.

Currently, there is much talk about Nigeria becoming a trillion-dollar economy—a legit­imate aspiration. But the goal may remain elusive if insecurity continues to define the Nigerian landscape. That is why the type of policing Nigeria adopts under the current circumstances should not be politicized. The fact that policing has been politicized since the return to multiparty democracy in 1999 is, therefore, deeply disappointing.

Nevertheless, by tossing the decision of whether to decentralize or retain the colonial structure of the Nigeria police to state gover­nors—a move that reaffirms his reputation as a political maverick—Tinubu seems to have set the stage for a new dawn in policing.

I do not know if other observers of Nige­ria’s sociopolitical and economic space have noticed, but I have observed that Tinubu ap­pears to be digging into the archives of Nige­ria’s lingering headaches dating back four, if not five, decades to tackle specific national challenges. Take for example petrol and nai­ra subsidies, the recent tax reforms, and local government autonomy reforms. Although the Supreme Court has ruled on LGA autonomy, implementation is still pending, while the tax reforms will take effect in January next year.

Because Tinubu has managed to push through these reforms, one could argue—con­trary to critics who dismiss his reforms as hap­hazard—that there is evidence of a methodical plan to reset Nigeria economically, socially, and politically under his Renewed Hope Agenda.

Undoubtedly, insecurity remains Nigeria’s greatest social crisis. It is particularly urgent to slay this hydra-headed monster, given its multi-dimensional effects: triggering food in­security, unemployment, hunger, and poverty. The impact is so horrendous and encompass­ing that it is perplexing that state governments, police authorities, and politicians have resist­ed decentralization since it was first mooted under Obasanjo’s administration.

Following President Tinubu’s charge to governors to take a position on state police, I revisited my archives and retrieved an article I wrote in 2002—23 years ago—titled ‘Deregu­lating the National Security System’ published on 15/12/2002.

Before citing six other interventions I have made in the past two decades on insecurity and the need for decentralization, it is worth high­lighting recent Boko Haram atrocities in Bor­no and Katsina states. These tragic incidents may have influenced Tinubu’s renewed push for governors to harmonize their positions on policing, reminiscent of how governors were compelled to agree on a minimum wage figure during negotiations between the Federal Gov­ernment and the NLC.

Recent Boko Haram Attacks:

1. Borno State:

• On September 6, 2025, Boko Haram at­tacked Darul Jamal village in Bama LGA, killing at least 63 people, including 5 soldiers.

• On August 22, 2025, terrorists ambushed a group escorting farmers in Konduga LGA, killing four people, including a soldier and a mobile police officer.

2. Katsina State:

• On August 20, 2025, gunmen attacked a mosque in Unguwan Mantau village, killing at least 50 worshippers and abducting around 60 others. The attack was believed to be retali­ation after locals killed some bandits.

For a country not officially at war, these fatality rates are alarming. Boko Haram has terrorized Nigeria for over 20 years, displacing millions and killing tens of thousands. The group first gained international notoriety by bombing the UN offices in Abuja, and later in 2014, by kidnapping over 270 Chibok school­girls.

Although the police are constitutionally mandated to maintain law and order, the scale of terrorism has forced the military to step in. Still, as many of us have long argued, Nigeria’s centralized police structure is inadequate for a country growing as rapidly as ours. Nige­ria’s population has ballooned from roughly 40 million at independence in 1960 to around 240 million today—a 415% increase. Yet, police recruitment has not kept pace. The Nigeria Police Force currently has only about 300,000– 400,000 personnel, far below the estimated 1 million officers required.

Clearly, Nigeria needs a more decentralized and agile police force. This justifies Tinubu’s latest move, effectively throwing the ball into the governors’ court. They must now decide whether to decentralize policing and assume responsibility as chief security officers of their states, or to maintain the status quo where state police commands answer only to the Inspector General of Police in Abuja.

Since 2002, I have consistently underscored the importance of effective policing as a pre­condition for Nigeria’s social, political, and economic development. My advocacy predates Tinubu’s administration and cannot be dis­missed as blind loyalty.

For instance, I wrote:

• ‘Deregulating National Security System” (15/11/2002)

• ‘Is Nigeria’s Security Architecture Degen­erating Into A Mess?’ (6/12/2017)

• ‘Is Nigeria Police Courting Another Youth Resistance Like EndSARS?’ (10/1/2024)

• ‘Police As X-Factor In Nigeria’s Fight Against Insecurity’ (27/2/2024)

• ‘Are Those Opposed To State Police Putting Our Lives At Risk?’ (15/10/2024).

Dr. Reuben Abati, a prolific columnist for ThisDay newspaper and an anchorman for Arise News television station had noted during a 2023 interview on Arise News while review­ing my book, ‘Leading From The Streets: Me­dia Interventions By A Public Intellectual,’ Nigeria’s leaders do not listen to advice from columnists and commentary from broadcast­ers. I disagreed with him, then and I still do so now.

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