Obasanjo and Tinubu: When Greatness Becomes a Rivalry

MaTaZ ArIsInG
Dallas, Texas

By Idowu Ephraim Faleye +2348132100608

There is something fascinating about human ambition and the way people respond to the success of others. Some rise because history opens a door for them at the right moment, while others must fight, sacrifice and overcome setbacks before reaching their destination. Yet, another dimension of this unequal experience of life is the difficulty some accomplished individuals have in accepting that another person can rise to comparable prominence.

This brings us to the interesting political relationship between two prominent sons of the Yoruba nation, former President Olusegun Obasanjo and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Both have occupied Nigeria’s highest political office and attained national and international recognition. Yet, their journeys to the presidency reveal striking differences. More importantly, their relationship raises questions about personal achievement, historical legacy and the ability of one accomplished individual to celebrate the emergence of another.

Obasanjo’s rise to national prominence was closely connected to extraordinary historical circumstances. During the Nigerian Civil War, he commanded the Third Marine Commando Division. In January 1970, he received the surrender of Biafran forces on behalf of the Federal Government. This was a defining moment in Nigerian history. Although several military commanders had fought major battles and contributed to the eventual defeat of Biafra, Obasanjo occupied the historic position of receiving the formal surrender.

Then came February 1976. General Murtala Mohammed, who had become Head of State following the July 1975 coup, was assassinated during an unsuccessful coup led by Lieutenant Colonel Bukar Dimka. Obasanjo, his deputy and Chief of Staff at Supreme Headquarters, succeeded him. He was neither the architect of the coup nor responsible for the failed coup that ended Muritala life. Yet, those events placed him at the highest level of authority in Nigeria. While Murtala lost his life and the coup plotters failed, Obasanjo inherited the leadership of the country. He subsequently governed until 1979, when he handed over power to an elected civilian administration.

Another remarkable turn came in 1999. Following the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, MKO Abiola, widely regarded as its winner, was denied the opportunity to assume office and subsequently died in detention. After General Abacha’s death, the transition programme initiated by General Abdulsalami Abubakar created a new political environment. Obasanjo emerged as the PDP presidential candidate and eventually won the February 1999 election.

Now, consider Tinubu’s political journey. Rather than emerging through an unexpected succession arrangement, he spent decades building the political structure that eventually provided the platform for his presidential ambition.

His involvement in the pro-democracy struggle following the annulment of June 12 was an important part of that journey. As an influential member of NADECO, he was a leading light in the campaign against military rule and the demand for democratic government. He was eventually forced into exile and returned following the political changes that accompanied Abacha’s death.

When democracy returned in 1999, Tinubu became governor of Lagos State. However, the real test of his political organisation came in 2003. The Obasanjo-led PDP administration made determined efforts to capture the Southwest. The party won the other five states in the region, leaving Lagos as the only state retained by the opposition. Tinubu’s victory under the Alliance for Democracy preserved the state against encroachment and later used it as the political foundation upon which he would build a much wider network of influence.

But retaining Lagos was only the beginning. Tinubu understood that political power could not be sustained by relying on one state or one election. He needed stronger alliances and a wider political structure. Over the years, he built political network across the Southwest and beyond. His involvement in the formation of the Action Congress, later the Action Congress of Nigeria, and eventually the merger that produced the All Progressives Congress in 2013 demonstrated his commitment to building a national political platform.

The APC merger required negotiations, compromises and the reconciliation of competing interests among different political parties. Its objective was to create a formidable alternative capable of challenging an incumbent national government. This was not a gift presented to Tinubu by history. It involved years of political investment, strategic calculations and relationship-building.

Interestingly, after the APC defeated the PDP in 2015, Tinubu did not immediately become the central figure in the new federal administration. The party he had helped build had won power, but the political arrangement that followed did not give him the influence many expected. He experienced a period of political marginalization within the establishment he had helped create. Yet, he remained engaged, consolidated his relationships and prepared for another opportunity.

That opportunity came in 2022 when he contested the APC presidential primary against prominent figures. The contest was particularly significant because the sitting president belonged to the same party, while powerful interests within the political establishment had their own preferences concerning his successor. Tinubu eventually won with 1,271 votes, demonstrating the strength of the political network he had spent years building.

Winning the party ticket was not the end of the struggle. The presidential election presented another challenge. Political divisions, disagreements within the establishment, economic uncertainty and the currency redesign crisis created difficult circumstances. Some influential political interests were not aligned with his ambition. Nevertheless, Tinubu contested the election and emerged victorious in February 2023.

One does not have to agree with every political decision Tinubu has made or every policy of his administration to recognise the political journey that brought him to the presidency. Supporting a politician does not require abandoning critical thinking. Equally, criticising a president does not require pretending that his accomplishments never happened.

This is where the comparison with Obasanjo becomes particularly interesting. Both men are Yoruba and have occupied the Nigerian presidency. Yet, their routes to power were different. Obasanjo’s advancement was significantly shaped by extraordinary historical circumstances, while Tinubu spent decades building the political machinery through which he eventually achieved his ambition.

The question, therefore, is not whether Obasanjo has the right to criticise Tinubu. Of course, he does. Former presidents are citizens, and no individual should be above criticism. Obasanjo has the experience to question government policies, challenge decisions and offer alternative views on national affairs. However, there is a difference between constructive criticism and political hostility. There is also a difference between defending one’s historical legacy and appearing uncomfortable with the emergence of another prominent personality from the same cultural background.

Obasanjo’s political interventions ahead of the 2027 election have generated questions about his preferred political direction. His reported involvement in efforts to build an alternative political arrangement involving Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso has also attracted public attention. Such activities are legitimate in a democracy, but they invite questions about whether his interventions are driven by policy disagreements, political convictions or a continuing struggle for relevance and influence. Hence, personal rivalry and the psychology of recognition becomes a legitimate subjects for political inquiry.

Some people are comfortable being celebrated for their achievements but find it difficult to celebrate the achievements of others. They welcome recognition when they are the principal beneficiaries but become less accommodating when another individual begins to attract comparable attention. Their concern gradually shifts from what they have achieved to how much recognition another person is receiving.

This is not peculiar to politics or Yoruba society. It is a human tendency that exists in professional organisations, business establishments, religious institutions and even families. A person may spend decades establishing a reputation but become uncomfortable when another individual emerges and commands comparable influence. Instead of appreciating another person’s success, he may interpret it as a challenge to his own position.

Political greatness, however, should not be measured by how long someone remains the most prominent personality in a community. Neither should historical importance depend on preventing others from attaining similar recognition. There is enough room in history for several accomplished individuals. Obasanjo’s achievements do not become smaller because Tinubu became president, just as Tinubu’s emergence does not erase Obasanjo’s contributions to Nigeria.

The Yoruba people have produced several influential personalities whose contributions to national development deserve recognition. Their political history includes disagreements, competition and rivalries, but these should not prevent collective appreciation of individual accomplishments. One person’s success should not be interpreted as another person’s defeat. A community that celebrates only one outstanding personality at a time risks turning achievement into a competition for historical ownership.

Obasanjo has a significant place in Nigerian history. He was a military Head of State, supervised the transition to civilian rule in 1979, returned as an elected president in 1999 and served two terms. Tinubu, on the other hand, built a political career that took him from the Senate to exile, from the Lagos governorship to the construction of a national political coalition, and eventually to the presidency. Both men will ultimately continue to be recognized as the leading light of Yorubaland. Neither man’s place in history should depend on diminishing the other.

Perhaps the greatest test of greatness is not how far a man rises above others, but whether he can watch another man rise without feeling that his own place in history is threatened. It is easy to celebrate one’s achievements when nobody appears capable of challenging one’s prominence. The real test comes when another individual builds his own legacy and begins to command national attention.

History has room for more than one great man. Obasanjo does not need Tinubu to fail to remain relevant, just as Tinubu does not need to diminish Obasanjo to establish his place in history. If Obasanjo believes Tinubu’s administration is failing, he should make his case with facts, evidence and constructive alternatives. If he believes another candidate offers Nigerians a better direction, he should explain why. But political engagement should be guided by the national interest, not personal rivalry or the desire to remain the only outstanding personality from one’s cultural background.

After all, a man who has achieved greatness should be confident enough to recognise greatness in another. The emergence of another accomplished individual should be an occasion for reflection, not resentment. The greatest legacy is not the ability to prevent others from rising, but the wisdom to appreciate that history is large enough to accommodate more than one great man.

Idowu Ephraim Faleye is a freelance political writer based in Nigeria. +2348132100608

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